Wednesday, September 16, 2009

Thinking about tribal consultation

I seem to be reblogging just about everything that Tom King posts these days. Here I go again. Dr. King continues his critique of CRM in a new post, in which he argues eloquently that consultation, with tribes and others, is really the core of historic preservation law, though in practice it is often neglected in favor of formulaic and bureaucratic approaches to management.

On CRM practitioners:
I naively continue to be surprised by how reluctant many who purport to value cultural and historic preservation (not just expect to make a living at it) consider it unnecessary and/or scary to consult with interested parties about those resources.
The big finale:
It can be scary, no question about it, and it also can be irritating, frustrating, time consuming, and generally a pain in the backside. This is particularly the case because those interested parties – whether they’re tribes or others – probably don’t speak our specialized language; they may not relate very well to the National Register Criteria or the Criteria of Adverse Effect. They may not split hairs the way we do, and they may split different hairs. But the fact remains – here I go on my soap box again – that Congress enacted NHPA and other such laws not for the convenience and enjoyment of CRM practitioners and government officials, but to ensure consideration for places that citizens – that is, taxpayers, voters – care about. And when, in the 1980s, we failed to pay proper attention to the concerns of tribes, the tribes prevailed on Congress to change the law and remind us of our duty. However inconvenient it may be, I don’t think we’re doing our jobs – whether we’re consultants, federal officials, or SHPOs – if we close our eyes to the law’s clear direction to consult with tribes and others. And in evaluating historic places, we can’t pretend that archaeologists speak for anybody but themselves, about what’s important to them. They certainly don’t speak for tribes unless the tribes authorize them to.

Saturday, September 5, 2009

Kokopelli of the North


As far as I know, this is the northernmost representation of Kokopelli. It is just South of Rangely, CO, in the Canyon Pintado (Douglas Creek), at about 40.05 degrees north latitude. It is almost certainly Fremont. If anyone knows of a representation located further to the north please let me know. I'm interested.

Monday, August 31, 2009

Apparently someone is reading this blog

Awesome. Adam Henne makes mention of several of my posts over at The Four Stone Hearth #74 on natures/cultures. Check it out. I am pleased that he was interested in farming/language micro-dispersals, since that is my current obsession, but I am not sure what he meant by Terralingua's "argument by coincidence." I guess I'll have to ask him.

Sunday, August 30, 2009

A Wyoming Sitescape

Yes, that's all FCR.

Saturday, August 29, 2009

What is the NHPA really all about?

Tom King enlightens us. Hint: it's not all about the archaeological record.

Part I
Part II
Part III
Part IV
Part V

This really is required reading for anyone who wants to understand the history of historic preservation practice in the United States, and how we came to be where we are today.

Monday, May 18, 2009

Open Data and Archaeology

Computing, GIS, and Archaeology in the UK point to a short guide to making your data open, provided by the Open Data Commons. This is a topic that will be of increasing importance in archaeology in the next few years with major initiatives like Digital Antiquity poised to transform the way archaeologists share, archive, and publish basic data.

Sunday, May 3, 2009

Farming/Language Micro-Dispersals in the Titicaca Basin

The SAAs were a lot of fun, and very productive. My paper presented an alternative model to the standard Farming/Language Dispersal Hypothesis scenario associated with Bellwood, Renfrew, etc. The idea is that in certain situations, such as pertained in most of the New World, farming was likely to spread much more rapidly by cultural than by demic diffusion. We can expect that this would produce a chain-like arrangement of small-scale demic expansions that ultimately constrain one another. I call these faming/language micro-dispersals. In this scenario no clear LBK-like spread zone is produced. Rather, we get a patchwork of early farming cultures, a high level of linguistic and cultural diversity, and a high degree of local cultural continuity across the transition to agriculture. The map above outlines how I think this played out in the Formative Titicaca Basin.

The process is very different from the standard Homeland/Spread Zone scenario that archaeologists have come to expect based on our understanding of the Indo-European, Austronesian, and Bantu language expansions. If this sort if micro-dispersal was common in the New World, it would help explain why Bellwood's (2005) attempt to identify LBK-like expansions in the Americas met with such limited success.

References:

Bandy, Matthew S. 2009. Farming/language micro-dispersals in southern Andean prehistory. Paper presented at the 74th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Atlanta, GA.

Bellwood, Peter. 2005. First Farmers. London, Blackwell.