Internet Archaeologists Find Ruins Of 'Friendster' Civilization

http://www.theonion.com/content/video/internet_archaeologists_find

Thinking about tribal consultation

I seem to be reblogging just about everything that Tom King posts these days. Here I go again. Dr. King continues his critique of CRM in a new post, in which he argues eloquently that consultation, with tribes and others, is really the core of historic preservation law, though in practice it is often neglected in favor of formulaic and bureaucratic approaches to management.

On CRM practitioners:

I naively continue to be surprised by how reluctant many who purport to value cultural and historic preservation (not just expect to make a living at it) consider it unnecessary and/or scary to consult with interested parties about those resources.

The big finale:

It can be scary, no question about it, and it also can be irritating, frustrating, time consuming, and generally a pain in the backside. This is particularly the case because those interested parties – whether they’re tribes or others – probably don’t speak our specialized language; they may not relate very well to the National Register Criteria or the Criteria of Adverse Effect. They may not split hairs the way we do, and they may split different hairs. But the fact remains – here I go on my soap box again – that Congress enacted NHPA and other such laws not for the convenience and enjoyment of CRM practitioners and government officials, but to ensure consideration for places that citizens – that is, taxpayers, voters – care about. And when, in the 1980s, we failed to pay proper attention to the concerns of tribes, the tribes prevailed on Congress to change the law and remind us of our duty. However inconvenient it may be, I don’t think we’re doing our jobs – whether we’re consultants, federal officials, or SHPOs – if we close our eyes to the law’s clear direction to consult with tribes and others. And in evaluating historic places, we can’t pretend that archaeologists speak for anybody but themselves, about what’s important to them. They certainly don’t speak for tribes unless the tribes authorize them to.

Kokopelli of the North

As far as I know, this is the northernmost representation of Kokopelli. It is just South of Rangely, CO, in the Canyon Pintado (Douglas Creek), at about 40.05 degrees north latitude. It is almost certainly Fremont. If anyone knows of a representation located further to the north please let me know. I'm interested.

Apparently someone is reading this blog

Awesome. Adam Henne makes mention of several of my posts over at The Four Stone Hearth #74 on natures/cultures. Check it out. I am pleased that he was interested in farming/language micro-dispersals, since that is my current obsession, but I am not sure what he meant by Terralingua's "argument by coincidence." I guess I'll have to ask him.

A Wyoming Sitescape

Yes, that's all FCR.

What is the NHPA really all about?

Tom King enlightens us. Hint: it's not all about the archaeological record.

Part I
Part II
Part III
Part IV
Part V

This really is required reading for anyone who wants to understand the history of historic preservation practice in the United States, and how we came to be where we are today.

Open Data and Archaeology

Computing, GIS, and Archaeology in the UK point to a short guide to making your data open, provided by the Open Data Commons. This is a topic that will be of increasing importance in archaeology in the next few years with major initiatives like Digital Antiquity poised to transform the way archaeologists share, archive, and publish basic data.

Farming/Language Micro-Dispersals in the Titicaca Basin

The SAAs were a lot of fun, and very productive. My paper presented an alternative model to the standard Farming/Language Dispersal Hypothesis scenario associated with Bellwood, Renfrew, etc. The idea is that in certain situations, such as pertained in most of the New World, farming was likely to spread much more rapidly by cultural than by demic diffusion. We can expect that this would produce a chain-like arrangement of small-scale demic expansions that ultimately constrain one another. I call these faming/language micro-dispersals. In this scenario no clear LBK-like spread zone is produced. Rather, we get a patchwork of early farming cultures, a high level of linguistic and cultural diversity, and a high degree of local cultural continuity across the transition to agriculture. The map above outlines how I think this played out in the Formative Titicaca Basin.

The process is very different from the standard Homeland/Spread Zone scenario that archaeologists have come to expect based on our understanding of the Indo-European, Austronesian, and Bantu language expansions. If this sort if micro-dispersal was common in the New World, it would help explain why Bellwood's (2005) attempt to identify LBK-like expansions in the Americas met with such limited success.

References:

Bandy, Matthew S. 2009. Farming/language micro-dispersals in southern Andean prehistory. Paper presented at the 74th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Atlanta, GA.

Bellwood, Peter. 2005. First Farmers. London, Blackwell.

Site Taphonomy and Cultural Traditions in NW Colorado

A few weeks ago I presented a paper at the CCPA meetings in Alamosa (Bandy and Baer 2009). It was based on some work SWCA did in 2008 in the Piceance Basin in Rio Blanco County, northwestern Colorado. We block surveyed almost 140 square miles and recorded almost 400 prehistoric archaeological sites.

There is a low-level but persistent controversy concerning cultural traditions in the Piceance Basin during the Formative Era (400 B.C.E. to 1300 C.E., approximately; Reed and Metcalf 1999). The region is adjacent to major concentrations of Fremont culture settlement in lower elevation areas to the West, particularly in nearby Douglas Creek, but also in Dinosaur National Monument, and in the Uinta Basin and along the Green River in Utah. The Piceance Basin is located in middle elevations, between roughly 6000 and 8000 feet, and is too high for all but the most marginal maize cultivation. There were never any permanent Fremont farming settlements in the region as far as we can tell.

The question therefore arises: do the Formative Era sites in the Piceance Basin reflect seasonal use of the area by Fremont populations resident in farming settlements at lower elevations, or was there an indigenous population in the Piceance and similar areas that was contemporary with but distinct from the Fremont, and that possibly derived from local Archaic populations? Or do Formative Piceance Basin sites reflect some mixture of Fremont seasonal use and local hunter-gathers?

This question is as old as archaeological research in the Piceance Basin. Jennings (1976) proposed that Piceance Basin Formative sites were produced by a local, non-Fremont population with an Archaic-style hunter-gatherer adaptation. He posited an ethnic frontier between this unnamed local population and the Douglas Creek Fremont. This frontier would presumably have been located somewhere in the vicinity of Cathedral Bluffs. Reed and Metcalf (1999) offered a similar scenario, proposing a new term, the Aspen Tradition, to describe these Archaic-style hunter-gatherers living in northwestern Colorado (in the Piceance Basin and elsewhere).

On the other hand, Grady (1980) suggested that the Piceance Basin (and the Roan Plateau) was used seasonally by Fremont peoples who farmed at lower elevations (Douglas Creek, Dinosaur National Monument). In his scenario, the Fremont would have planted in the Spring in lower elevations, hunted and gathered in the late Spring/early Summer in the Piceance, spent the Summer in higher elevation areas such as the Roan Plateau, and returned in the Fall to the Piceance Basin and in the late Fall to their low-elevation fields for the harvest and the Winter. Byron Loosle has proposed a similar model for the Uinta Mountains of Utah, though the mobility he envisions is less transhumant and more logistically organized.

What interests me is the way in which these arguments are constructed and supported. In general, very little evidence is used. Grady, for example, bases his argument mainly on an abstract model of how humans should exploit the environment of northwestern Colorado. Reed and Metcalf (1999) assert that Formative Piceance Basin sites are "not Fremont" and therefore are related to a different archaeological culture: their Aspen Tradition. However, since Aspen Tradition peoples are postulated to have used small, corner-notched arrow points, identical to Fremont examples, as well as nondescript grayware ceramics, it is not clear what Reed and Metcalf's expectations would be for Fremont seasonal campsites. Apart from temporary campsites containing Fremont ceramics and projectile points, what more can reasonably be expected?

Reed and Metcalf's argument seems to be reducible to the single assertion that there is not much Fremont material culture in the Piceance Basin. This does not include Fremont-style projectile points which, of course, are abundant. They seem to be impressed mainly with the paucity of Fremont ceramics in the area. However, since the area never supported permanent agricultural settlements, Fremont sites in the area would all be impermanent campsites and resource extraction locales. Since ceramics have a long use-life (generally estimated at > 1 year for a cooking pot) and campsites have a short duration (probably a month or less), only a small percentage of Fremont campsites would be expected to contain ceramic sherds and therefore to be recognized as Fremont.

Several approaches to estimating the percentage of Fremont campsites that are aceramic converge on a figure of about 90%. That is, no ceramic vessels were broken or deposited at approximately 9/10 of Fremont seasonal campsites in the Piceance. When this is taken into consideration, the entire Formative Era occupation of the Piceance Basin can easily be accounted for by Fremont seasonal use. No sites remain unaccounted-for and the Aspen Tradition is therefore analytically superfluous. There is simply no reason to posit the presence of any cultural tradition in the Formative Piceance Basin apart from Fremont.

The importance of this kind of simple Middle Range Theory insight (derived from a recognition of the critical role played by a site's length of occupation in the formation of its artifact assemblage) is seldom appreciated in a hunter-gatherer context. And yet it is precisely in these contexts that the effects of short occupation spans will be most pronounced.

Here's the abstract:

Reed and Metcalf proposed the Aspen Tradition in order to account for Formative Era archaeological remains in the northern Colorado River Basin that seemed not fit into existing taxa such as Fremont or Anasazi. In their argument, they suggested that the Formative Era occupation of the Piceance Basin was dominated not by Fremont seasonal hunting camps (as had been proposed by Grady) but rather by highland-adapted groups similar to and perhaps directly descended from the region's Archaic Era inhabitants. In 2008, SWCA Environmental Consultants conducted extensive block surveys in the Piceance Basin, resulting in the recording of hundreds of archaeological sites representing all periods of regional prehistory. These data make possible a preliminary evaluation of the taxonomic affiliations of the region's Formative Era archaeological remains. Our analysis indicates that Fremont seasonal use can adequately account for the entire Formative Era archaeological record of the project area. The question must therefore be asked: is there any reason to postulate a poorly-defined taxonomic unit such as the Aspen Tradition when the archaeological record can be adequately explained without it?

References Cited:

Bandy, Matthew S. and Sarah Baer
2009 The Formative occupation of the Piceance Basin: Is the Aspen Tradition analytically superfluous? Paper presented at the Colorado Council of Professional Archaeologists annual meeting, Alamosa, CO, April 3.

Jennings, Calvin H.
1976 An assessment of the potential cultural resources of the proposed utility corridors for the C-b oil shale lease tract. Laboratory of Public Archaeology, Colorado State University, Fort Collins.

Grady, James
1980 Environmental Factors in Archaeological Site Locations. Bureau of Land Management Cultural Resource Series 9. BLM, Lakewood, CO.

Reed, Alan D. and Michael D. Metcalf
1999 Colorado Prehistory: A Context for the Northern Colorado River Basin. Colorado Council of Professional Archaeologists, Denver.

Phil Duke on CRM

Many academic archaeologists have a very inadequate understanding of modern CRM. A good example is a recent radio interview given by Phil Duke of Fort Lewis College. In an interesting discussion of the geopolitics of archaeology, he was prompted at one point to comment on "the controversies surrounding Cultural Resource Management." His response reveals a profound misunderstanding of the contemporary practice of CRM in the United States. An excerpt:

The other downside that I would mention is that it has tended to divorce the archaeological enterprise from an intrinsic political consideration, or an ethical consideration, of the projects that they are actually helping clear. There is no integration ... of political or ethical considerations into the project itself. I don't want to paint the picture that the archaeologists doing this are unethical, quite the contrary, but there is no mechanism by which the political/ethical dialogue is insinuated into the project itself. The project is legitimate, it has been cleared by the Federal government, so that our responsibility, our ethical responsibility, is purely to the archaeological record.

Duke appears to be laboring under the significant misaprehension that CRM in the United States is purely concerned with the research value of archaeological sites. What he does not appreciate is that the contemporary practice of CRM requires extensive consultation with interested Native American groups, and others, concerning not only archaeological sites but also cultural landscapes and traditional cultural properties more generally.

Scientific value is only one criterion used to evaluate the significance of resources. There are other criteria of equal legal standing that relate to interest groups other than archaeologists. In the case of prehistoric sites, this normally means Native Americans. In fact, it seems to me that CRM archaeologists have more frequent, sustained, and meaningful contact with Native Americans than do academic archaeologists. Most contacts of this type, in the United States at least, take place in a CRM context, since consultation with Native Americans is a standard part of the Section 106 process. I'm not saying that this relationship is perfect, but there is a great deal of communication and consultation that takes place and CRM archaeologists clearly have responsibilities, legal and ethical, to peoples and things other than the archaeological record.

However, most of this work does not result in publication in journals and edited volumes, in part because Native Americans often prefer that the details of such consultation remain confidential. Perhaps this is why Duke is not aware of the extent of these relationships.

National Register Bulletin #38 would be a good place for him to start. He might follow that up by reading Tom King's blog.

The interview is here. The discussion of CRM begins near the middle, at 17:04.

Looting and Meth

Archaeology magazine is running a piece on how the looting of archaeological sites in New Mexico is driven in large part by meth. Tweakers are apparently digging up sites and actually using pots and other artifacts to purchase drugs. Some choice quotes:

In the Southwest, antiquities are what a stolen car stereo might be in New York--an untraceable commodity of the criminal underground. "This is what the West has, so this is what the West gives up for its drugs," says N. Artifacts can be looted from remote public lands near impoverished communities with acute drug problems, and there is an infrastructure of shady galleries and trading posts that can "launder" them for sale. A kind of strange synergy is developing with meth in particular that puts every archaeological site and collection at greater risk. Law enforcement officials in the Southwest even have a term for those who combine tweaking and digging--"twiggers."

Wow. "Twiggers."

Though well done and interesting, the piece does stray into offensive territory, as in the following:

Most of his cases come from the poverty-stricken trailer parks of Farmington, Bloomfield, and Aztec in the state's archaeology-rich northwest corner.

I happen to be from that area, and my Dad lives in Aztec. Characterizing Farmington, Bloomfied, and Aztec as drug- and crime-ridden slums is really a bit much. Farmington, especially, is really a boom town, at least until the price of natural gas fell off a cliff recently, and the Farmington unemployment rate is well below the national average.

Dart vs Arrow Points

Recently I have been doing some work related to distinguishing between dart and arrow points and their respective debitage assemblages. The standard discriminant function is that developed by Shott (1997), following earlier work by Thomas (1977). Shott's function uses shoulder width in two separate formulae to derive dart and arrow scores.

Dart=1.4x-16.85
Arrow=0.89x-7.22

where x is projectile point shoulder width in mm.

If the dart score exceeds the arrow score, then the point is classified as a dart point, and vice versa. The method correctly classified 92% of still-hafted arrow points and 77% of still-hafted dart points in Shott's sample.

The method is very useful as a guide to classification. However, the double-formula method is cumbersome. Earlier today I flashed to the obvious fact that the two formulae are simply lines, and the point at which they intersect is the shoulder width that distinguishes dart from arrow points.

The lines intersect at x=19.26. Therefore, points with a shoulder width of greater than 19.26 mm are classified as dart points, while those with narrower shoulder widths are classified as arrow points. This is a quick and easy rule of thumb that can be remembered in the field without having to sit down and do the math.

It's good to simplify.

Sahlins and Service

First edition, nice find. The use of dominos on the dust jacket photo to represent the evolutionary process is disarmingly forthright.